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ISSUE
NOTE WTO
THIRD MINISTERIAL AGENDA
& ISSUES |
Battle in Seattle | Part
1 | Part 2 | Part
3 | Issue Note | Security | Budget
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In a key speech delivered just a month before the Seattle
Ministerial, Director General Mike Moore of the WTO listed the
priorities for the Third Ministerial: (1) “advancing trade liberalization,” (2) “integrating
the developing countries into the trading system,” (3) “making the
global trading system truly global” by adding China, Russia, and other
candidates to the WTO, and (4) “building bridges in global
policy-making” by “raising important questions about the linkages
between the trade system and the environment, health standards, human
rights and other issues.”[1]
The agenda for the Seattle Ministerial began to be formed as part
of the previous (Second) Ministerial held in Geneva in May 1998, a
meeting scheduled to coincide with the fiftieth anniversary of GATT.
Members formally introduced proposals for specific items to be
included in the Seattle agenda in March 1999.
By September 1999, when the General Council started to put the
various ideas together in a draft declaration to be issued in Seattle,
more than 150 proposals had been received.
According to the WTO, they ranged across a wide variety of topics
including tariffs, anti-dumping, subsidies, safeguards, investment
measures, trade facilitation, electronic commerce, competition policy,
fisheries, transparency in government procurement, technical assistance,
capacity-building and other development issues, intellectual property
protection, and many other subjects -- in addition to agriculture and
services. Discussions at
the General Council meetings in Geneva determined which of these
actually made it to the agenda for the Seattle meetings.
A politically important proposal to be discussed at the Seattle
meeting involved a special deal to help least-developed countries gain
easier access to richer countries’ markets, along with further
development of a program of technical assistance to least-developed
countries under an integrated framework set up by the WTO and a number
of other organizations in 1997.
Implementation of the results of the Uruguay Round were also a
high priority issue for many developing countries.
Some developing countries argue that anti-dumping measures,
subsidies, and agreements on textiles and clothing have been implemented
unfairly to the advantage of richer trading states.
Continuing negotiations for substantial progressive reduction in
support and protection for agriculture among member states is one
of the mandated agenda items built into existing agreements.
Similarly, a new round of negotiations to achieve progressively
greater liberalization of trade in services was also slated for
2000. Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPS)
The
TRIPS agreement calls for a review of its implementation after January
1, 2000, which means that discussions on how to proceed with the review
should be initiated at the Seattle meeting.
All developing countries, except the least developed, must
implement the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
(TRIPS) Agreement by January 1, 2000. (Least-developed countries have until 1 January 2006.)
For most, this means amended or new intellectual property
legislation and new or more effective means of enforcement.
Many developing countries argue that five years is not enough
time to undertake such a radical change and have proposed an extension
of this transition period. One perspective holds that the five year period was set
arbitrarily without regard for a country’s level of development.
Other countries want to see reciprocal obligations included in
the TRIPS agreement so that what they take on as obligations to protect
the intellectual property rights of other nations are rewarded or
compensated for via technology transfers and protection of geographical
indications. Trade-Related
Investment Measures (TRIMS)
The
Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMS) Agreement deals with national
policies that are considered inconsistent with GATT.
For example, some countries enforce measures such as minimum
local content and trade balancing requirements in regulating imports
from other countries. Developing
countries have to eliminate inconsistent measures by January 1, 2000,
least-developed countries by January 1, 2002. The TRIMS Agreement calls
for a review and discussion of whether provisions on investment policy
and competition policy should be included in an extension of the
Agreement.
As with TRIPS, developing countries assert that they can not meet
this tight timetable. They are pressing to retain sufficient flexibility
so that they choose their own investment promotion policies regardless
of whether they are consistent with GATT.
Administrative capacity remains a significant hindrance for many
developing countries. For
example, countries were allowed to notify the WTO of selected investment
measures immediately upon ratification of the TRIMS agreement, for which
they could then be granted exeptions.
But many states failed to do so for no other reason than their
general inability to respond quickly to these kinds of requests.
Indeed this remains one of the important obstacles to effective
implementation and an ongoing source of later conflict, i.e., the fact
that developing countries often lack the professional staff to negotiate
and then effectively implement international trade agreements. Government
Procurement
The provisions for liberalizing government procurement are
designed to create greater international access to contracts with
government entities for the provision of goods and services.
Many governments have resisted efforts to even the playing field
between domestic and foreign suppliers of goods and services purchased
by the governments themselves. Further
negotiations were mandated to start by 1999, with intention of improving
the agreement and achieving the greatest possible extension of its
coverage among all members on the basis of mutual reciprocity.
Further negotiations were begun at the end of 1998, but the
completion of the negotiations, at least on the simplification and
improvement of the agreement was targeted for the third Ministerial. Sanitary
and Phytosanitary Measures and Technical Barriers to Trade
Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) measures address animal and
plant health and safety, and food safety, to prevent the transmission of
disease and destructive organism from one country to another via
foodstuffs, plants, animals, and other organic matter.
The Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) Agreement deals with other
technical standards that countries may seek to enforce that operate as a
nontariff barrier to trade. Both agreements require members to consider the special needs
of developing countries in both these areas.
However, many developing countries are for practical purposes
excluded from the creation of international standards because they lack
the expertise or administrative competence to participate fully in the
discussions. If they lack
the ability to help formulate the rules, they are similarly in a
position of having to comply with standards that exceed their technical
ability or financial capacity to implement. Improved
Market Access for Exports from Developing Countries
Developing countries had expected far greater access to markets
in developed countries for their agricultural and textile exports.
While the agreements have not been violated, many developing
countries feel the spirit of the agreements have not been honored. •Agriculture Developing countries’ complaints focus on some
extremely high tariffs, tariff escalation (higher tariffs on processed
goods than on raw materials, which penalizes processing in exporting
countries), the difficulties in gaining access to markets through tariff
quotas and the trade-distorting effects of subsidies.
They are calling for lower barriers on agricultural goods that
they export. •Textiles and Clothing The WTO’s Agreement on Textiles and Clothing does
two things. Over a 10-year
period, it integrates the sector into GATT rules, and as part of that
process it phases out quotas. Developing countries complain that
although one-third of trade has been integrated as committed, only a few
quotas have actually been removed. They add that what little market
access has resulted from the implementation of the agreement has been
cancelled out by measures taken by the importing countries, such as
transitional safeguards, anti-dumping actions and discriminatory rules
of origin.
During the meetings, six working groups were formed to try to
negotiate the key elements of a Ministerial Declaration.
It was this work that was severly hampered by the protests.
The six working groups were: ·
Agriculture
(chaired by Singapore); ·
Implementation
and rules (chaired by Canada); ·
Market
access (chaired by Lesotho); ·
Singapore
agenda and other issues (chaired by New Zealand); ·
Systemic
issues (jointly chaired by Chile and Fiji); and ·
Trade
and labor standards (chaired by Costa Rica).[2]
One of the key issues worth discussing in conjunction with the
events surrounding the Seattle Ministerial is what did protesters
accomplish? While it is
true that they did succeed in significantly disrupting the meeting,
Araya (see note 2) argues that some of the prospects for substantive
reform that might have advanced the causes advocated by protesters was
lost. The demands for
greater transparency of decision-making can no longer be ignored.
However, promoting environmental protection and respect for the
rights of workers may have been set back somewhat.
The relationship between trade and the environment is another
important and growing concern in international negotiations -- and among
those who were determined to disrupt the Seattle Ministerial.
Eric Neumayer presents some of the salient questions and
approaches that WTO engages on this front.[3]
While many protesters want to protect the rights of the weak and
the poor, the governments of many developing countries oppose
regulations that enforce higher environmental standards and stronger
labor protection provisions because these rules might be used to hinder
their access to developed countries’ markets. This fear is not ungrounded; thus trade agreements may be one
of the levers that can be used to bring about greater respect for human
right, workers’ rights, and environmental protection.
Others -- in both the developed and the developing world -- argue
that this kind of “linkage” has no business in trade negotiations
which should remain first and foremost about market liberalization and
the pursuit of freer trade. Many
who support the goals of the WTO argue that an international trading
system governed by a set of meaningful and enforceable rules provides
the best safeguard for the rights and interests of all.
Open markets will produce greater prosperity which is the sine
qua non for better working and living conditions, environmental
protection, and less conflict in the world.
In any event, by shutting down negotiations, neither agenda
advanced. [1] Mike Moore, “Seattle:
What’s at Stake?” Speech to the Transatlantic Business
Dialogue, Berlin, October 29, 1999.
http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/spmm_e/spmm13_e.htm.
Accessed December 9, 2000. [2]
An excellent brief summary key issues considered by each of these
working groups can be found in Mónica Araya’s article, “Lessons
From the Stalemate in Seattle,” Journal of Environment and
Development 9(2)(June 2000), pp. 183-189 (also found in the
“Additional Readings” section of this binder).
See also Dilip K. Das, “Debacle at Seattle:
The Way the Cookie Crumbled,” Journal of World Trade
34(5): 181-201. An analysis of the issues preceeding the meeting is
presented in the November-December 1999 issue of Bridges
published by the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable
Development. The
subsequent issue of Bridges (January-February 2000) provides
a post-mortem and recommendation about how to proceed on the stalled
WTO agenda. [3] Eric Neumayer, “Trade and the Environment: A Critical Assessment and Some Suggestions for Reconciliation,” Journal of Environment and Development 9(2)(June 2000), pp. 138-159.
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