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COMMERCIAL ISSUES

The cost of sugar is a crucial factor in the competitiveness of the chocolate, biscuit and confectionery industries; it accounts for up to 40 percent of the cost of a product. Thus, it is not surprising that the EU’s artificially high sugar prices seriously threaten the internal and external competitiveness of ASI’s member industries. Unless substantial reforms are enacted, the export of processed products is at risk of becoming a loss-making business. The ASI industries simply can not afford to continue to pay two to three times what their non-EU competitors pay for sugar.

Food processors do benefit from some assistance in the form of export refunds. However these subsidies do not fully cover the difference between EU and world sugar prices, and even if they did, they are subject to Uruguay Round reduction commitments in the near future. Indeed, confectionery products are subject to cuts on export refunds for Non-Annex II products.[15] From 2000/01 onwards, the maximum budgetary outlay for such refunds for processed foods is restricted to 415 M Euros, yet the needs of the industry are estimated at 550-600 M Euros annually.[16]

Failure to reform the sugar regime will severely curtail the ability of ASI businesses to compete in world markets—which is particularly threatening to these businesses because they are increasingly reliant on foreign markets to achieve their revenue and profitability goals. In 1999, they exported high-value products worth a total of 3.14 billion Euros to countries outside of the EU. In value terms, this represents more than 10 percent of the ASI sector’s production volume and 10 percent of the total value of EU agri-food exports.

ASI products are generally branded products that incur heavy investment costs to become established in a market and require continuity of supply in order to stay in a market. Losses in foreign market share are likely to be long-term losses.  



ECONOMIC ISSUES

 

1. The Food-Processing Industry’s Contribution to the EU Economy

ASI alone represents 1,900 companies, over 290,000 employees, and an annual turnover of 39 billion Euros. ASI and all the other food and beverage industries affected by the sugar regime together employ around 1.5 million people in the EU. These are far greater numbers than employment in just sugar beet farming and processing. Indeed, the Committee of Industrial Users of Sugar (CIUS) estimates that only 25 jobs are created for every 10,000 tons of exported sugar, while the equivalent quantity of sugar exported in Non-Annex II products generates up to 500 jobs or 20 times the number of jobs created by the basic product.[17] Considering jobs alone, exports of processed products are highly preferable to equivalent exports of basic sugar.

Value-added processed foods are also important to European agribusiness because they expand domestic agricultural production by stimulating demand for raw materials and first stage processing. And value-added processing increases contributions to the state in the form of taxes. Currently, food-processing industries account for 15 percent of total EU industrial production.

Given these considerations, it is clear that supporting the food-processing industries is in the EU’s economic interests. However, because the cost of sugar accounts for up to 40 percent of the cost of a product, and because European food-processors pay up to three times more for sugar than their foreign competitors, exports of processed products are at risk of becoming a loss-making business.

In fact, it is realistic to expect that, because of the European price of sugar, value-added food-processing companies will begin considering the possibility of relocating to third countries that can provide better sugar prices, more favorable production conditions, or preferential agreements with the EU and/or other trade partners. If a mass migration of companies were to occur, it would displace thousands of workers and result in significant losses of tax revenues at all levels of government. The food-processing industry is a growth sector in many parts of the globe, and it is imperative that the EU take part in this development.

 

2. The Cost of the EU Sugar Regime

The European sugar industry has long claimed that the current sugar program is self-financing and has no effect on the EU budget. Though this is true in purely budgetary terms, the higher sugar prices associated with the regime mean that European consumers pay an annual “sugar bill” of seven billion Euros to protect, primarily, the interests of sugar producers. 

Reform of the sugar regime is also important because of the environmental damage it causes. By guaranteeing high returns to farmers, the regime stimulates production, which in turn stimulates the demand for fertilizers and pesticides. Excessive use of fertilizers and pesticides pollutes the environment, increases disease and pest resistance, and increases human and animal morbidity and mortality.

Finally, the sugar regime hampers EU credibility in the WTO. No other trade barrier constrains the Commission’s leverage to negotiate robust trade agreements more than the EU sugar regime.



POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

 

For the previously discussed reasons, the European Commission and the Agriculture Council must now recognize and move to rectify the inequities and inefficiencies linked to the sugar regime. ASI asks the Commission to reduce the sugar support price by a percentage similar to past (and future) export subsidy reductions, which would cause subsidies to ASI industries and the need for subsidies to decline in tandem.

In addition, ASI proposes that if domestic food processors cannot find adequate A and B sugar sold at the target price (because sugar manufacturers create an artificial shortage), they should be allowed to buy C sugar.

 

Benefits of the Recommendations

The reform, if introduced as recommended above, will do the following:

 

1.      Gradually phase out the costs and inefficiencies of the status-quo;

2.      Decrease the EU sugar processing industry’s incentives for anti-competitive behavior; and

3.      Help Europe comply with the export subsidy reduction commitments of the Uruguay Round. (The Commission has already published a regulation stating that a cut in A and B quotas will be necessary next year in order to comply with GATT limits on export subsidies, although cutting the price of sugar would negate the need to cut quotas.)  




POLITICAL ISSUES

 

1.      Past attempts to reform the EU sugar regime

Reform of the CAP for commodities other than sugar (e.g. cereals or dairy) were successful largely because subsidies for these products placed a large burden on the EU budget. Since the sugar regime is self-financing, there is no similar budgetary pressure for sugar. Neither has there been pressure from environmental groups. Although price supports encourage intensive agricultural methods—methods that generally attract the attention of such groups—sugar beets are usually grown in mixed farming enterprises and therefore are not a major concern for environmentalists.

Nonetheless, the need for reform of the sugar regime is becoming more urgent in light of recent reports that, in anticipation of joining the EU sugar regime, the five “first wave” Central and Eastern European applicants for EU membership are reversing their initial actions toward liberalizing their sugar sectors.[18] The Millennium Round will put the EU under additional pressure to reform the sugar regime. 

 

2.  The sugar lobby

In most developed countries, agriculture is unique among other industries; its political lobby organizations are extremely powerful and effective. This is especially true in the EU (not to mention the US), where the agriculture lobby has diverted decision-makers from any radical change of the CAP.[19]

Nonetheless, sugar producers’ arguments in favor of maintaining the regime in its current form are unconvincing:

Argument #1: The world price of sugar is not a true price, but instead, reflects a “dumped” price. In fact, since most countries have already reformed their agricultural policies and lowered trade barriers, the world price of sugar has become more representative of sugar’s actual value. Australia, Thailand and Brazil have expanded their sugar production by 59, 26, and 66 percent respectively over the past five years because their producers were making profits at current world prices. The world price is actually a solid reflection of the value at which efficient producers in these and other countries can profitably produce and export sugar.

Argument #2: Reforming the sugar regime will force most, if not all, producers out of business and cause a loss of jobs and investment for the Community. In reality, the regime enables a handful of large producers to reap windfall benefits, and it diminishes the EU’s ability to obtain market-opening commitments in trade negotiations concerning other products. Moreover, employment in the EU sugar refining sector (52,000 full-time jobs) pales in comparison with the more than 1.5 million workers affected by the sugar regime via their employment in the EU food and drink industry.

Argument #3: Beet growers need the sugar regime’s price supports to remain profitable. In fact, it is generally accepted that sugar beet is one of the most profitable crops to grow in the EU, second only to potatoes.[20] If sugar beet subsidies were reduced, many growers would simply switch to other crops that they can grow more efficiently. This is especially true since sugar beets are commonly grown in mixed farming enterprises.

Argument #4: That EU sugar regime costs European taxpayers nothing because sugar producers finance it through their exports to third countries. In fact, European consumers bear the burden of the regime by paying an extra seven billion Euros annually for their sugar.

Argument #5: The EU needs to protect its sugar industry because most other countries have protectionist sugar programs that put EU producers at a disadvantage in world markets. As previously mentioned, several countries have already reformed their sugar policies and lowered trade barriers. Of the major trading nations, only the United States and Japan have sugar prices comparable to EU prices. While it is true that most countries do have policies that intervene in their sugar markets, these policies often are aimed at protecting or subsidizing consumers rather than just supporting producers.[21] The EU sugar regime is focused only on ensuring high returns for sugar producers at the expenses of consumers. The EU sugar lobby is particularly critical of the U.S. sugar program, which does heavily distort trade and is the only U.S. agriculture protection program that was not reformed by the FAIR Act of 1996 (Farm Bill). Yet several organizations in the United States representing business, consumers, environmentalists, think-tanks, and other interests are strongly lobbying the U.S. government with the goal of reforming the U.S. sugar program. The Coalition for Sugar Reform was organized in 1997 and has since successfully pushed for the introduction of two bipartisan bills in the U.S. Congress. If approved, these bipartisan bills would phase out the U.S. sugar program over a three to four year period. If the EU’s true goal is to force the United States to reform its sugar subsidy program, the EU’s best strategy is to reform its own sugar regime first.

 

3.      Stakeholders

3.1 Council of Agriculture Ministers/Member States’ Agriculture Ministers

This Council is responsible for formulating agricultural policy for the EU. Because each minister’s priority is to respond to the political pressure in his or her own member state rather than to fix the problems of the system as a whole, this group is a primary target for agriculture lobbies.[22] In order to persuade the Council to take up the reform cause, widespread support will be needed in the member states that carry the most votes on the Council.

 

3.2 Special Committee on Agriculture

This body plays a key role in advising the Council of Agriculture Ministers. It is made up of officials from member states’ agricultural ministries who, like the ministers themselves, have proven to be fairly impervious to the influence of interests other than agriculture (such as consumer interests).

3.3 The African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP)

The ACP countries that are party to the so-called Sugar Protocol benefit from the EU’s sugar policy and will therefore oppose reform of the EU sugar regime. The Protocol allows its 18 signatories to export to the EU annually specified quantities of cane sugar at prices closely related to the high prices received by EU sugar beet farmers.

 

3.4    European Fertilizer Manufacturers

By reducing the price of sugar, sugar beet production will drop, which will, in turn, cause a decrease in the demand for fertilizers and pesticides. The European fertilizer and chemicals industries therefore will be negatively impacted by reform of the sugar regime and will oppose any reform of the present regime. 

 

3.5 The Commission

The Commission has also shown itself to be responsive to the sugar lobby. Common sense dictates that those who have responsibility for the Community as a whole are likely to give higher priority to its general interest than to those who represent only the interests of a single member state. It is fair to say that reform of the sugar regime is in the long-term interest of the Community as a whole.

 

3.6 The European Parliament

The European Parliament operates on a partisan rather than national basis. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are nominated by political parties that have organized within several countries, if not on a Europe-wide basis. Once selected, MEPs sit by party, not by nation. With the growth of this party system (nine party groups are currently represented in the Parliament[23]), it has become more and more likely that MEPs will represent the interests of all European citizens. In 1995, for example, the Parliament called for “ real reform of the sugar regime, which would reduce over-production, sort out quotas and stop damaging the interests of consumers.”

 

3.7 Member States’ Trade Ministers

Because these ministers generally support trade liberalization, they are also likely to support reform of the EU sugar regime. The regime is the most trade-distorting program of the CAP; it complicates the European Union’s trade relations with countries all over the world; it poses a serious threat to the food-processing industry’s export potential (which is a growing industry in the majority of member states); and it reduces the efficiency of EU sugar production to the point that producers must rely on support to compete in third countries.

 

3.8 Consumer Groups

Given their high stake in this issue, consumers represent a very important source of potential support for reform of the sugar regime. In the past, however, consumers have not been able to make their voices heard on this issue, partially because the sugar regime is only one of many targets for consumer groups. Joining consumer voices with a broader and more focused coalition will increase the visibility of their position on sugar.

 

3.9  Environmental Groups

The Green Party has become a serious political force in Europe along with other environmental organizations. Even though, for the previously mentioned reasons, they have not made reform of the sugar regime one of their priorities, they can lend a strong voice to ASI’s efforts. There are two reasons why environmental groups should become more vocal on the sugar issue. First, high sugar prices stimulate intensive production and therefore the use of fertilizers and pesticides. Second, reform of the EU sugar regime will force the United States to reform its sugar program—which will help mitigate environmental degradation in the Everglades wetlands by reducing the incentive for sugar farming in that area. 

 

3.10 Food Manufacturing Sector   

Second stage food processors’ export potential is threatened by the sugar regime. Accordingly, these industries are going to be very eager to support sugar reform.

 

3.11 Media 

Europeans pay over seven billion Euros every year to finance the sugar regime. Yet, largely because this payment takes the form of high sugar prices—instead of a tax or a budgetary item—the common EU citizen does not know about it. Gaining media coverage of the problems associated with the sugar regime will be critical to enhancing public awareness of the issue and influencing decision-makers.

 

3.12 The EU Member States

The quota (A and B) allocations in six member states are significantly higher than those of other states.[24] It will be particularly important to convince these countries to support reform because their votes are heavily weighted in the Council. Votes by England, France, Germany, and Italy are weighted by a factor of ten. Spain is weighted by eight, and the Netherlands is weighted by five.[25]

England and the Netherlands have already expressed their willingness to reform the regime. These countries are very efficient at both the farmer and the manufacturing level and therefore see no reason for the high burden on consumers.

 


[15] Products not listed in Annex II of the CAP, for example biscuits.|

[16] Association of Chocolate, Biscuit and Confectionery Industries (CAOBISCO), “CAOBISCO Position on the Forthcoming WTO Negotiations,” 1999.

[17] Committee of Industrial Users of Sugar, “Sugar Export Refunds for Non-Annex II Products,” 1998.

[18] The five “first wave” countries are Estonia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. For further information, see the background section of the project.

[19] See Brussels Strategy for details.

[20] Committee of Industrial Users of Sugar, “The value to the farmer of growing sugar relative to alternative crops,” 1998.

[21] For details on government policies of major exporters and importers of sugar, see Exhibit 21.

[22] The Amsterdam Treaty of 1997 considerably increased Parliament’s legislative powers by extending the so-called “co-decision procedure” to several new areas. Under the co-decision procedure, the Parliament has a right to amend a Council decision or reject it. Agriculture, however, was exempted; the Council needs only to consult the Parliament on agriculture issues.

[23] See Exhibit 20.

[24] For details on sugar quota allocation in the EU, see Exhibit 16.

[25] For details on EU decision-making in agriculture, see Exhibit 4.

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