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For Presentation to the
BOARD OF DIRECTORS By Ashok R. Menon
TABLE OF CONTENTS. PART I – Issue Analysis A. The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) E. India’s BTA Commitments III. Commercial Issue Analysis A. U.S. Telecommunications IndustryB. The Indian Telecommunications Market C. The U.S. Stake in Foreign Telecommunications Markets IV. Substantive Policy Issue Analysis A. Substantive Policy Issue #1 - Should USTR assist US telecommunicationsV. Political Analysis PART II - Strategy A. U.S. Domestic Strategy B. Indian Domestic Strategy C. International Strategy
Tables
Boxes and Figures
Exhibit 12 Budget Exhibit 13 Timeline
For the purpose of this project, I assume the fictitious role of Government Affairs Specialist at a fictitious American industry association, the Telecommunications Alliance (TA). After receiving numerous complaints from member companies about their difficulties in gaining access to the Indian telecommunication products and services market, TA tasked me to develop a plan for expediting telecommunication market liberalization in India.
On February 15, 1997, World Trade Organization (WTO) successfully concluded the negotiation of a Basic Telecommunications Agreement (BTA). The vast majority of the BTA’s 69 signatories made far-reaching commitments that are significantly liberalizing the $725 billion global market for telecommunication goods and services. WTO member states are generally satisfied that commitments made in the WTO Basic Telecommunication Agreement (BTA) are bringing competition to the global telecommunication industry at a sufficient pace, and therefore, telecommunications will not be a major issue during the upcoming Millennium Round negotiations. Nonetheless, six countries (including India) tabled just minimal commitments that bind them to observe only regulatory principles of their own creation. This report demonstrates that:
Part I Issue Analysis India’s telecommunications products and services market is potentially worth over $60 billion. However, because India chose not to accept all of the principles set forth in the Reference Paper of the WTO Basic Telecommunications Agreement (BTA), U.S. telecommunications firms still encounter formidable difficulties in entering the Indian market. Current challenges for U.S. telecommunication product and service providers in India include changing political climates and an uncertain, evolving regulatory environment. In addition, U.S. firms contend with:
Indian bureaucrats need to understand that policies should be implemented to facilitate investment in telecommunications and these policies need to be strictly enforced. This report begins with a background analysis of the current state of telecommunications reform in India. It then identifies and analyzes important commercial and policy arguments in order to demonstrate that the introduction of competition to India’s telecommunications sector is vital to the development and health of India’s economy. The report also identifies important people and groups that will need to be mobilized in order to ensure compliance with national and international obligations.
II. Background: The WTO Agreement on Basic Telecommunications
Signatories to the WTO Basic Telecommunications Agreement (BTA) include the United States and 68 of its trading partners, which together represent over 90 percent of global telecommunication service revenues. Subject to explicit exceptions listed by signatory countries, the agreement provides U.S. telecommunication carriers access to local, long-distance, and international service markets through all means of network technology (e.g., wireline, cellular, and satellite technology). The agreement also ensures that U.S. investors can acquire or establish telecommunication companies in many countries, and it obligates most U.S. trading partners to maintain or implement new, pro-competitive telecommunication regulations. Parties to the agreement scheduled binding, most-favored-nation commitments with respect to market access, investment, and regulatory principles. Signatories’ commitments became operative on February 5, 1998, when supplementary telecommunication schedules were folded into the General Agreement on Trade and Services. No single document embodies the basic telecommunication agreement. Rather, the agreement is comprised of the following documents:
The General Agreement on Trade in Services The principle document shaping the telecommunications agreement is the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), which is an annex to the Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization signed in Marrakech, Morocco, on April 15, 1994. The GATS comprises three elements: (1) a framework of general obligations and disciplines for government regulation of trade and investment in services; (2) a series of annexes and ministerial decisions that supplement rules found in the framework and provide a timetable for follow-up activities and additional negotiations; and (3) individual country schedules that commit national governments to accord foreign service providers market access and national treatment, subject to defined exceptions (see Annex V). The GATS framework lists 14 obligations and disciplines intended to facilitate international trade and investment in services. The telecommunications agreement incorporates the obligations set-forth in the framework and, in some instances, highlights certain obligations, making them directly applicable to basic telecommunication services. For instance, the telecommunication agreement incorporates rules on:
GATS Annex on Telecommunications The GATS Annex on Telecommunications ensures that all firms requiring the use of telecommunication networks will be provided adequate access to national telecommunication infrastructures. The annex stipulates that negotiations were to focus on "public telecommunication transport networks and services," thereby signaling that WTO members would negotiate conditions of access to, and use of, telecommunication facilities, as well as the provision of services. The annex also stipulates that cable and broadcast distribution of radio and television programming would fall outside the scope of negotiations. With respect to network access, the annex stipulates that foreign firms requiring the use of telecommunication networks would be accorded access to and the use of public telecommunication networks (PTNs) on reasonable and nondiscriminatory terms and conditions. Ministerial Decisions and the Fourth Protocol Two ministerial decisions also shaped the telecommunication agreement:
Supplementary Schedules on Basic Telecommunications Services GATS signatories schedule commitments on both market access and national treatment with respect to four distinct modes of supply (i.e., cross-border supply, consumption abroad, commercial presence, and presence of natural persons), meaning that eight explicit or implicit schedule entries are recorded for each of the industries currently covered under the GATS. To date, 131 countries have specified commitments on trade and investment in services. Within national schedules, signatories made:
Commitments on basic telecommunication services appear in supplementary schedules and constitute the bulk of the telecommunication agreement. Basic telecommunication schedules are especially complex because they not only delineate market access and national treatment commitments regarding the seven basic telecommunications services, but also communicate commitments regarding distinct geographic telecommunication markets (e.g., local, long-distance, and international markets), distinct network technologies (e.g., wireline, cellular, and satellite networks), and facilities-based and resale services. Supplementary schedules further delineate commitments regarding regulatory principles. To simplify commitments on geographic markets, network technologies, and facilities-based and resale services, the Chairman of the GBT issued a note to WTO members on January 6, 1997, indicating that, unless otherwise specified in a country’s schedule, commitments pertaining to basic telecommunications would apply to:
Thus each supplementary telecommunication schedule implicitly or explicitly indicates through its market access and national treatment commitments the extent to which foreign telecommunication firms may gain access to local, long-distance, and international service markets through all means of network technologies on a facilities basis or through resale. Additionally, each supplementary schedule indicates the extent to which foreign firms may acquire, establish, or hold a significant share in national telecommunication firms.
In order to safeguard the value of market access commitments, GBT signatories also made supplementary schedule commitments on pro-competitive regulatory principles. Itemized in a Reference Paper, these pro-competitive principles include commitments to:
In February 1997, 57 of the 69 governments scheduled the pro-competitive commitments listed in the Reference Paper in whole or in part. Six other countries scheduled commitments that bind them to observe regulatory principles of their own creation. Table 1 provides an overview of the World Trade Organization's Basic Telecom Agreement.
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Table 1 - Overview of the Basic Telecommunication Agreement
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Document |
Provisions |
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Ministerial Decision on Negotiations on Basic Telecommunications (December 15, 1993) |
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General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) (April 15, 1994) |
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Annex on Telecommunications (April 15, 1994) |
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Document |
Provisions |
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Annex on Negotiation on Basic Telecommunications (April 15, 1994) |
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Decision on Commitments in Basic Telecommunications (April 30, 1996) |
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Fourth Protocol to the General Agreement on Trade in Services (April 30, 1996) |
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Chairman's Note of January 16, 1997 |
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Chairman's Note of February 3, 1997 |
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Document |
Highlights |
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Report of the Group on Basic Telecommunications (February 15, 1997) |
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55 Schedules of Commitments and 9 Lists of MFN Exemptions (February 15, 1997) |
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Reference Paper on Pro-Competitive Regulatory Principles (February 15, 1997) |
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Source: United States International Trade Commission and World Trade Organization
Table 2 - History of Indian Telecommunications
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Year |
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1851 |
First operational land lines were laid by the government near Calcutta (seat of British power) |
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1881 |
Telephone service introduced in India |
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1883 |
Merger with the postal system |
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1923 |
Formation of Indian Radio Telegraph Company (IRT) |
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1932 |
Merger of ETC and IRT into the Indian Radio and Cable Communication Company (IRCC) |
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1947 |
Nationalization of all foreign telecommunication companies to form the Posts, Telephone and Telegraph (PTT), a monopoly run by the government's Ministry of Communications |
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1985 |
Department of Telecommunications (DOT) established, an exclusive provider of domestic and long-distance service that would be its own regulator (separate from the postal system) |
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1986 |
Conversion of DOT into two wholly government-owned companies: the Videsh Sanchar Nigam Limited (VSNL) for international telecommunications and Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited (MTNL) for service in metropolitan areas. |
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1997 |
Telecom Regulatory Authority created. |
The perception that the state could be trusted and that the market could not was consistent with post-World War II experience, the views of leading economists, as well as the advice of international donor agencies. Thus, independent India decided that its telephone and telegraph systems would be strictly a government monopoly administered by its own civil service (see Table 2). What ensued has become known as the "Permit Raj," a complex, irrational and almost incomprehensible system of regulations and licenses that controlled every step of production, investment, and foreign trade. Permission from state bureaucrats was required for setting up or closing factories, increasing or decreasing capacity, or downsizing the labor force. India's drive for self-sufficiency—manifested in inward-looking, import-substitution policies fashionable in the developing world in the 1950s and 1960s—ultimately stifled competition and economic growth. Under pressure from domestic and foreign capital, international lending agencies, and foreign governments, India began to open its markets and divest its public sector enterprises in the 1980s. India began to face the harsh fact that the welfare-maximizing benevolent state it had envisioned decades earlier had never materialized. What did develop was massive corruption of the public domain characterized by deals between politicians, bureaucrats and enterprise leaders. In the mid-1980s, Rajiv Ghandi’s administration removed restrictions on imports and exports, which led to an enormous increase in imports to meet the pent-up demand of the Indian middle class. But the lack of a comparable increase in exports led to a trade deficit. The problem reached crisis proportions when oil prices skyrocketed during the Gulf War and caused India’s already fragile balance of payments deficit to soar. In 1991, the state was forced to chose between defaulting on its external debt payments or going to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for loans. The government opted for taking medium-term loans from the World Bank and IMF to repay its short-term debt. In return, India agreed to remove barriers to private domestic and foreign capital investment and to integrate its economy into the global capital market. The crisis gave Indian free-market leaders an opportunity to force change that would hopefully cure the fundamental ailments of the economy—too much regulation and control and not enough competition. Prime Minister Narshimha Rao kept with the changes initiated by the Rajiv Gandhi administration and the interests of the expanding middle class. Upgrading India’s telecommunications infrastructure was among the numerous goals set-forth in Rao’s New Industrial Policy of 1991. The government’s increased awareness of the important role of telecommunications was exemplified in the Government of India's Economic Survey of 1993-1994:
Nonetheless, India has decided to follow a relatively cautious path of telecommunications liberalization. The reasons are complex and varied, but four main concerns have prevented more rapid restructuring. The government and other interest groups fear that:
Owing to its historical and economic circumstances, as well as its need for internal political accommodation, India has been slow to move toward privatization of its telecommunications sector. Lacking significant pressure from large business users or high-tech communities and fearful of the costs of competition, India has made only gradual liberalizations that do not meet the recommendations of the WTO, international lending institutions, and the United States. But subject to increasingly fierce international competition from callback services, Internet phone, low-earth-orbit satellites, and global operators, there is little doubt that new technology will progressively and irreversibly erode the market position of India's telecommunication monopolies and their high profit margins. As a result, the financial value of these companies will deteriorate, making them less attractive to future investors. India has everything to gain from accelerating its telecommunications liberalization effort. |