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Whereas
the debate over GMOs in Europe has been characterized by public protests
and a high level of consumer activism, the American public has been
relatively slow to react to this new technology.
Unlike the British, for instance, whose concerns about food
safety have been on the rise since the outbreak of mad cow disease in
1996, Americans have seemed largely indifferent to genetically modified
foods. An
important reason for this apparent lack of concern is that only a very
few Americans have been aware of the introduction of GMOs into the food
chain. Since the U.S.
government has classified GMOs as mere additives in food, the Food and
Drug Administration (FDA) is not required to approve them prior to sale
and marketing to consumers. Nor
is there a labelling requirement for genetically engineered products. In
accordance with FDA regulations, the only foods subject to mandatory
labelling are those with ingredients that are proven to either change
the nutritional content of a food or cause allergic reactions. Nonetheless,
public opinion in the U.S. is rapidly shifting in favor of stricter
regulations and mandatory labelling for GM products.
According to a recent poll by Time
magazine, 81% of Americans want GM food to be labelled. NGOs’
Attempts to Contain GMOs
American
NGOs have also turned to the law in their efforts to protect the
environment from the advances of biotechnology.
In late February 1999, 65 plaintiffs, including Greenpeace, the
Sierra Club, and the International Federation of Organic Agricultural
Movements, filed a lawsuit in the district court of Washington D.C.
against the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) on grounds that
it had acted unlawfully in its approvals of crops engineered to produce
Bt toxin, a gene-modified insecticide produced by the soil bacterium
Bacillus thuringiensis.[2]
The suit demands that the EPA immediately withdraw its approval of all
Bt plants and refrain from making any new approvals until a complete,
scientific environmental impact assessment has been carried. While
the EPA has rejected all accusations that it may have approved any
biotechnology products without due consideration of their potentially
harmful environmental effects, some scientist groups, such as the Union
of Concerned Scientists, have confirmed that the EPA’s current
approval process for biotech crops is inadequate.[3]
In response, EPA’s Scientific Advisory Panel announced in
February 2000 that it would advise the EPA to test crops on a wider
variety of insects than the four species currently tested. It also
recommended that the EPA require more data from seed companies on the
impact of GM crops in the field.[4] American
Legislators’ Attempts to Contain GMOs The
concern over the safety of genetically engineered products has also
begun to infiltrate U.S. politics. In October 1999, Representatives
David Bonior, Dennis Kucinich, and Chris Shayes and 46 other House
members sent a letter to FDA Commissioner Jane Henney calling for
mandatory labelling of genetically engineered foods. A month later,
Representative Kucinich introduced Bill H.R. 3377, the "Genetically
Engineered Food Right to Know Act, ” which states that all foods that
contain or are produced with genetically engineered material must be
labelled as follows: GENETICALLY
ENGINEERED United States
Government Notice: This product contains genetically engineered
material, or was produced with a genetically engineered material. The
bill has garnered the support of fifty co-sponsors and is currently
awaiting review in the House Subcommittee on Health and the Environment.
In late February this year, Barbara Boxer introduced a similar bill (S.
2080) in the Senate. On
March 9, 2000, Representative Kucinich upped the ante further when he
introduced bill HR 3883, "The Genetically Engineered Food Safety
Act.” This bill would require all GM foods to be examined for
allergenicity, unintended effects, toxicity, functional characteristics,
and nutrient levels—in addition to passing FDA’s regulations for
food additives. The bill would also require the FDA to 1) allow a public
comment period of at least thirty days once a completed safety
application is available to the public, and 2) disclose all studies
performed by the applicant to the public.
Bill HR 3883 has the support of nine co-sponsors. Passing
these bills, however, will not be easy. On January 26, 2000, Senator
Christopher Bond (R-Missouri) testified before the U.S. Senate on the
benefits and politics of biotechnology, accusing "some elements of the
European Union” of seeking to provide "short-term protection to
their farmers….[and] limit the productivity of foreign farmers” by
exploiting public fears of genetically engineered foods.[5] Senator Bond, with the
support of 23 other Senators,[6]
urged the Administration to be firm in its negotiations on biotechnology
products, and to not yield from its insistence on science-based, rather
than politically influenced, risk assessments.
Senator Bond also criticized food companies that have chosen to
forego using GM inputs in their products for "knowingly undermining
our scientists and trade negotiators to placate the Luddites and
protectionists.” U.S.
Industry’s Views In
a letter to President Clinton dated November 12, 1999, thirty-eight
organizations representing a cross-section of the U.S. agri-food industry
urged the Administration to not adopt new labelling policies for foods
that contain genetically engineered additives.[7]
Specifically, these organizations expressed their concerns that
if the FDA were to require labelling for biotech products, such labelling
could have the effect of misleading consumers into believing that biotech
foods are either "different" from conventional foods or represent
a potential health risk. By
changing the current policy to require special labelling, the FDA also
would run the risk of undermining its own credibility. Nonetheless,
on August 31 1999, Archer Daniels Midland Company (ADM) issued its
recommendation that farmers selling to the company segregate
non-genetically enhanced crops to preserve their identity.[8]
Although ADM later modified its stance and issued a statement explaining
that it would not turn away genetically modified grains, other American
(and Canadian) companies have stuck with their decisions to eliminate
GMOs from their products:
EU
Regulation of GM Products The
main EU legislation concerning the release of GMOs into the environment
is Council Directive 90/220/EEC, which was adopted on April 23, 1990,
and amended by Commission Directive 94/15/EC of April 15, 1994, and
Commission Directive 97/35/EC of June 18, 1997.
Under this legislation, EU countries are required to regulate the
release of GMOs into the environment so as to "minimize their
potential negative effects on human health and the environment, since
living organisms released in the environment for experimental purposes
or as commercial products may cross national frontiers and affect other
Member States by virtue of their irreversible effects on the
environment.”[10]
Any person seeking to release GMOs into the environment (plant
seeds, for example) must submit a notification of intent to the
competent authority of the country in which the release will take place.
The notification must be
accompanied by a full dossier of information including a full risk
assessment, appropriate safety and emergency response measures, and in
the case of products, precise instructions and conditions for use, plus
a proposal for labelling and packaging.[11] The
EU has also adopted Regulation (EC) No. 258/97 (Novel Foods Regulation)
and Regulation (EC) No. 1139/98 (labelling of foodstuffs containing or
derived from Monsanto’s RR soy and Novartis’ Bt-Corn) to ensure the
mandatory labelling of any food products that contain protein or DNA
resulting from genetic modification.[12]
Critics
of these regulations have complained that the EU’s legal framework
concerning labeling is not fully transparent. Specifically, producers of
genetically engineered goods have called for harmonization of the EU’s
and the individual EU countries’ regulations on GMOs.[13] In
response, the EU Commission presented a proposal in October 1999
(IP/99/783) for completing the current labelling rules and providing
greater legal certainty for both producers and consumers. The proposal
included two main provisions: 1) a de
minimis labelling threshold of 1% to allow for the accidental
inclusion of GM content in a product’s ingredients, and 2) new rules
for making foods containing GMO-derived additives and flavorings subject
to the same labelling rules as those of the Novel Foods Regulation.[14]
The
de minimus threshold is
intended to solve the problem faced by producers who have tried to avoid
GMOs but who, due to "accidental contamination,” still find
themselves with a low amount of GM material in their products.
However, the proposed threshold only applies to goods already
authorized for human consumption in the EU.
The threshold allowance is also subject to the following
conditions:
The
Novel Foods Regulation requires labels to identify foods that:
On
June 25, 1999, at the EU Council of Ministers meeting in Luxembourg, the
European environment ministers agreed to a set of new regulations for
GMOs and to put a hold on the authorization of new GMOs until a new
directive comes into force in 2002 and a new framework of rules on
labelling and monitoring has been established.
Although the vote was not unanimous (Spain, Portugal, and the
U.K. declined to sign the agreement due to fears that its wording might
be legally challenged by the biotechnology industry), all fifteen EU
member countries will have to abide by the new regulations. The
agreement’s provisions include more stringent risk assessments of all
GMO releases, a post-market monitoring regime for all releases, a more
comprehensive labelling scheme, and the phasing out of antibiotic marker
genes.[15]
The Council also decided to replace open-ended authorizations for
GM products with authorizations limited to a maximum of 10 years.
Although a blanket moratorium on new approvals would have been
illegal under EU law, the effect of these new regulations is the same: A
complete ban on the introduction (and importation) of new genetically
altered goods until 2002. The Potential for a WTO Challenge of
the EU’s New Regulations The
U.S. is deeply concerned about the long-term effects of the EU’s de
facto moratorium and has threatened to bring its complaints before
the WTO dispute settlement body. So far, however, all efforts to build a
solid legal basis for a formal challenge against the EU have come up
short because the EU has not explicitly rejected more GMO approvals, but
merely postponed further action until a new directive is in place.
[16]
Absent
the EU’s clear rejection of GMOs, the U.S.’s next best legal argument
would likely be to charge the EU with "undue delay" as set
out in Annex C of the WTO Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and
Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement). However, this provision is not
legally defined in the Agreement, and the EU could dispute the applicability
of the entire Agreement in relation to GMOs because biotechnology products
do not fit under any of the Agreement’s four categories of risk factors:
additives, toxins, contaminants, and disease-causing organisms.[17]
The challenge for the U.S. would then become one of changing
or negotiating an understanding on the SPS Agreement so as to accommodate
GMOs. So far, the U.S. Administration, lobbied heavily by domestic agricultural
groups, has opposed re-opening the SPS Agreement, and has been hesitant
to endorse clarification of its provisions out of fear that any tinkering
with the agreement could lead to a weakening of existing provisions.[18] There
are two other WTO agreements that may provide support for the U.S. position:
the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT Agreement), and the
Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS
Agreement). According to the least trade restrictive rule of the TBT
Agreement, governments are required to minimize the negative impacts
on trade when setting domestic product regulations a rule that could
possibly be used to challenge the EU’s labelling requirements for GM
and GM-containing products. Similarly, if genetically engineered agricultural
products are patented, the TRIPS Agreement might diminish the ability
of the EU governments to restrict the release and sale of those products.
The Precautionary Principle Although
the WTO SPS Agreement recognizes the relevance of the precautionary
principle to trade measures, it gives no specific definition for this
safety first approach to regulation: "In
cases where relevant scientific evidence is insufficient, a Member may
provisionally adopt sanitary or phytosanitary measures on the basis of
available scientific information, including that from the relevant
international organizations as well as from sanitary and phytosanitary
measures applied by other Members.
In such circumstances, Members shall seek to obtain the
additional information necessary for a more objective assessment of risk
and review the sanitary or phytosanitary measure accordingly within a
reasonable period of time.”[19] Nonetheless,
the EU has used the precautionary principle to justify its import bans
on potentially hazardous goods—despite the United States’ insistence
on the use of "sound scientific data” for determining risk. The EU
rationale comes, in part, from the EC Treaty, which incorporates the
following provisions already introduced by the Maastricht Treaty of
1992: "Community policy on the environment shall
aim at a high level of protection taking into account the diversity
of situations in the various regions of the Community.
It shall be based on the precautionary principle and on the principles
that preventive action should be taken, that environmental damage should
as a priority be rectified at source and that the polluter should pay.
. . ."[20] In
order to provide some structural guidelines on the appropriate use of
the precautionary principle, the EU Commission on February 2, 2000
issued a communication with the fourfold aim of:
While
the communication was directed to the Community, it also seeks to
provide input to the ongoing international debate over the proper
application of the principle. The
U.S., along with the rest of the Miami group, however, has pushed for
WTO legal supremacy over the Biosafety Protocol, which explicitly
adopted the precautionary principle.[21]
The so-called Like-Minded Group, which consists of over one hundred
developing nations, along with the EU, has taken the position that the
Biosafety Protocol should be co-equal to the WTO. "Substantial
Equivalence" At
the OECD Conference on the Scientific and Health Aspects of Genetically
Modified Food, which was held in Edinburgh in late February 2000, another
important scientific concept" "substantial equivalence"
"was discussed in legal terms.
Introduced by the OECD in 1993, the concept of substantial equivalence
means that if a GM food can be characterized as being chemically similar
to its natural counterpart, it can be assumed to pose no new health
risks. The concept was
endorsed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
and the World Health Organization (WHO) three years later, and it has
been employed ever since.[22]
As a result of the OECD Conference, however, this approval system
is likely to be re-evaluated in upcoming international meetings on GMO
safety standards, such as the Codex Alimentarius meeting in Tokyo in
March 2000. The Codex task
force on GM food standards aims to develop global legal standards on
how to evaluate the safety of GM foods by 2003. Footnotes [1]
Frederic Golden, "Who’s Afraid of Frankenfood?"
Time Magazine.
Vol. 154, No. 22, November 29, 1999. [2]
Bob Holmes, "The Great Divide."New Scientist. February
27, 1999. [3]
Philip Brasher, "Tighter Biotech Crop Regs Urged."Associated
Press. February 17, 2000. [4]
Ibid. [5]
Congressional Record, pages S58-S63. [6]
Senators who supported Bond were Kerry, Durbin, Hagel, Craig, Frist,
Conrad, Lugar, Gorton, Grassley, Ashcroft, Robb, Burns, Grams,
Gordon, Smith, Baucus, Helms, Hutchinson, Roberts, Bayh, Brownback,
Crapo, and Coverdell. [7]
"Agri-food Community Open Letter to President Clinton on Science-based
Labelling of Foods." http://www.monsanto.com/monsanto/mediacenter/background/99nov12_agrifood.htm
(downloaded February
5, 2000). [8]
"Japan, EU Demands for Non-GMO Crops Reverberates in U.S."Inside
U.S. Trade. Vol. 17, No. 37, September
17, 1999. [9]
Stuart Laidlaw, "Seagram Quietly Rules out Using Modified Corn."The
Toronto Star. February 10, 2000. [10]
Council Directive 90/220/EEC of 23 April, 1990.
For complete content and description of this measure, see
Appendix I. [11]
Ibid. [12]
For complete content of EU Regulation No. 258/97 (Novel Foods
Regulation) and Regulation No. 1139/98, see Appendix II and Appendix
III, respectively. [13]
"EU Regulation of Biotechnology." http://www.useu.be/agri/issues.html.
(Downloaded June 30, 1999). [14]
Press Release: "Commission Proposes de Minimis Threshold and
Labelling Rules for GMOs." Brussels, October 22, 1999.
http://europa.eu.int/comm/dg03/press/1999/IP99783.htm.
(Downloaded November 22, 1999). [15]
"Trade War Looming over GMO Dispute."Farmers Guardian.
July 2, 1999, p. 6. [16]
"U.S. Explores SPS Case on EU GMO Approvals, Comes Up Short
So Far."Inside US Trade. Vol. 17, No. 29, July
23, 1999. [17]
"U.S. Ag Interests Split on How to Tackle Biotech in WTO Rounc."Inside
US Trade. Vol. 17, No. 38, September
24, 1999. [18]
Ibid. [19]
SPS Agreement, Article 5, paragraph 7. [20]
Maastricht Treaty, Article 174. [21]
Article 19, paragraph 6. [22]
Patricia Reaney, "Consumer Groups Want Labels on All GM Products."Reuters.
February 29, 2000. |